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View Wishlist. The problem of Jewish homelessness can only be solved by finding places for large-scale colonization somewhere within the overseas areas of the freedom-loving nations. In this respect, the Norwegian delegation wants to pay its tribute to the Government of the Netherlands and the authorities of Dutch Guiana who have shown their readiness to accept and assist in large-scale Jewish colonization in Surinam. We also want to pay tribute to the British and French Governments which are studying similar projects in some of their overseas areas.
It is not intended that these Jewish settlements should become separate political entities. Their members should become citizens of the country of refuge and the settlement should become an organized part of the political structure of the country. It would be a step backward if the United Nations were to accept the assumption that peoples of different races, creeds and colours could not live peacefully together within the borders of one country and, that as a result of this the world would be more divided, instead of more unified.
In this respect, one might profit from the experience of the Soviet Union and of the United States of America, an experience which has shown the world how a great variety of nationalities can live and work together. It is therefore a great pleasure to see that the large and influential part of Jewish opinion, irrespective of its attitude toward the Palestine question, is working in this direction.
I will mention only the Freedom League, to whose persevering efforts are due the possibilities for large-scale colonization which have been opened in Dutch Guiana. The point the Norwegian delegation wants to make is this: Besides studying the question of the future status of Palestine and the proposed immigration into Palestine, the General Assembly should, in fulfilment of the humanitarian pledges laid down in the Charter, at the same time make a study of the problem of Jewish refugees and the possibilities of temporary or permanent immigration and colonization.
The Norwegian delegation is convinced that such a separate study of the problem of the refugees will also make it easier to arrive at a satisfactory solution of the political problems because the element of urgency, the background of suffering and misery will, if it will not disappear from the political picture, at least not distort the political picture to the same extent as now. Lately, many doubts have been expressed as to the power and possibilities of the United Nations to carry out some of its most important tasks.
It may take time, it may require an almost unbearable patience, but this great venture into national peace with collaboration, which is the United Nations, has to succeed, must succeed, if humanity shall not at the height of its technical development be thrown back into the dark ages.
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But, whatever one thinks of the political tasks of the United Nations, it should be possible for fifty-five Member States to find a means to put an end to the tragedy and the misery of the Jews in Europe. It should be possible, in a spirit of humanitarian solidarity, to find the means to help those whose only request is to have a place to live in this great world. The Norwegian delegation wishes, therefore, to suggest that the terms of reference should include a study of the problem of the Jewish refugees and its possible solution.
This could perhaps not be an exhaustive study, but it would give some indications as to how this problem could be solved, and I repeat, this would certainly make it easier to find a solution to the purely political problem of the future status of Palestine. The CHAIRMAN: I hope that with all respect I might be permitted to point out to the member from Norway that no matter what we should be discussing, our instructions from the General Assembly are to discuss only the constitution and work of a special committee.
I take it from his statement that the Norwegian representative would propose that as one item of the terms of reference of that special committee, there should be the whole question of the Jewish situation in Europe, though our duty is to discuss the constitution of this special committee, to prepare a report for the consideration of the Assembly on the question of Palestine. It is quite evident that the investigating committee will have to look into the problem of immigration into Palestine.
The Australian representative's remarks were in part relevant. I think that the other speakers were irrelevant in the sense that they began at the end. I do not think that we should begin our discussion at the end,, that is to say, by discussing the composition of the committee. The Chairman made a correct suggestion at the beginning, when he said that the question of discussing the resolution should be considered after the general debate.
The subsequent discussion at this meeting took a somewhat different turn. I think that the Chairman's first suggestion was the correct one.
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Of course, it is quite in order for any member of the Committee, in discussing that subject, to refer to any resolution before the Committee. As a matter of fact, I think it is quite in order, and not only in order, but of considerable assistance to the Committee to have movers of the resolutions on this subject explain their resolutions to the Committee.
Future government of Palestine - GA debate - Verbatim record - Question of Palestine
They have only done so in general terms, and I suggest that is in order. As to the remark by the representative of Norway, I agree, of course, that the point he has made might well be considered as a point for the terms of reference of this special committee. I was just expressing the hope once again—and I think I might as well stop expressing this hope— that in discussing these points for inclusion in the terms of reference, it might not be necessary at this stage of our proceedings, or, indeed, at this special Assembly, to go into the whole history behind each special point.
Both draft resolutions contain provisions regarding the composition of the committee, and Also provisions regarding the terms of reference to be given to that committee.
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In respect of the composition of the committee, my delegation wishes, for the moment, to reserve its attitude and to hear all the arguments to be put forward here for or against the inclusion of representatives of all or some of the five permanent members of the Security Council on this special committee, before deciding our stand. We believe at first approach that there is a great deal to be said for the contention that there are very definite advantages attached to keeping the committee small and limited to the so-called neutral smaller States.
We are of the opinion, with regard to the instructions to be given to the special committee, that if some such terms of reference as those prepared and proposed by the delegation of the United States could be adopted for that committee, we shall have taken a long step in the right direction. My delegation has held, and still holds, the opinion that any terms of reference for the special committee should be as broad and as comprehensive as possible. We believe that the committee should be empowered to go anywhere it deems fit, to hear any Government or person or groups of persons that it may desire to, and finally, to make recommendations to the General Assembly, and not to be in any way limited to only selecting facts and figures.
In all these respects, we feel that the American draft resolution before us answers the purpose. The Netherlands Government just as, I am sure, all other Governments represented on this Committee, is extremely anxious to reach a wise and equitable solution for the painful and unfortunately complicated problem of Palestine.
The Netherlands, through the centuries, has felt friendship and warm sympathy for the Jewish people. The Netherlands has always had at the same time, largely, though not exclusively, through her seventy million Indonesian nationals, of whom the large majority are Mohammedans, strong and friendly ties uniting her with the Arab world. A solution acceptable to all parties concerned, and therefore to world opinion in general, in our opinion is well within the realm of possibility.
It was for this very reason that my Government so warmly welcomed the initiative of the Government of the United Kingdom in placing the problem of Palestine before the United Nations, because doing so, it was felt, had brought the solution a step nearer.
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It is, of course, essential, if such a solution is to be found, that all parties be heard, that all facts and pertinent data relating to the question be ascertained, and that recommendations accordingly be made to the General Assembly. But it is no less essential that the committee entrusted with this task should in no way be restricted. On the contrary, it should be given very broad instructions.
It is for this reason that the Netherlands delegation will give its support to this part of the United States draft resolution before us. I should like, before ending these brief remarks, to say one more word. A few days ago my neighbour from New Zealand made a very stirring appeal to the General Assembly for all parties concerned to refrain, at any rate for the present, as long as the matter is under consideration by the United Nations, from any deed of violence.
I desire to associate myself wholeheartedly with both my colleagues and to add my voice to theirs in appealing to all those concerned for patience and forbearance. KOSANOVIC Yugoslavia : I intended to express the Yugoslav view in connexion with the proposals of the United States delegation and the Argentine delegation on the composition of the committee of inquiry, but if you think it would be better to speak on that later, I could wait.
It is quite in order to speak on that now; it is part of the general discussion on constitution and work. Is it possible to be neutral in this problem? I do not think there is any neutrality here. Neutrality means no opinion. Dante puts neutral opinion in his Inferno. Those who are neither with God nor with the devil are in the inferno. We have our opinion. We are impartial perhaps, but our neutrality is the result of a compromise.
That is our neutrality. Together we make up the United Nations. We have to find a compromise view on a very important problem, a problem involving peace in a very important place in the world. Therefore, the Yugoslav delegation thinks that it would be useful to have a committee composed of, I do not know how many smaller States with the participation of the Big Five or of the permanent members of the Security Council, who would participate forthwith in the thorough discussion of this committee on the spot.
We would then have a report prepared for the General Assembly in September. If we do not put the permanent members of the Security Council on this committee of inquiry, I am sure in September we will have a very, very prolonged discussion on this entire problem. Why not avoid that now?
I agree with the representative of Argentina in the part of his resolution which states that the Big Five should be included, but I cannot agree with this: that if some of the Big Five refuse to participate, we will not be able to choose them. I think if an appeal is made to them by this First Committee to participate in the committee, they will not be able to refuse to participate.
The Yugoslav delegation agrees that there should be perhaps nine or eleven members on this committee, but we think that the European countries are more directly interested in the right solution of this problem than those from some other continent. Therefore, the European countries should be represented by a larger number than that proposed by the Argentine delegation. To turn back again to the matter of neutrality, I should like to quote the representative of the United Kingdom.
He used the words "so-called neutrals", and the representative of the United States used the words "giving the appearance of being neutral.